Unfortunately, across the whole of the UK, disadvantaged pupils still lag far behind their better off peers. There are so many statistics that demonstrate it. In 2023, at the end of primary school, 47 per cent of pupils who were eligible for free school meals – broadly speaking the poorest 20 per cent of pupils – reached the expected level in reading, writing and maths, compared with 68 per cent of other pupils. At secondary level, the pattern persisted. The same year, 69 per cent of students not eligible for free school meals obtained at least a grade C in both English and Maths at National 5, against only 41 per cent of pupils eligible for free school meals (Johnson, 2023).
In fact, right across the income distribution, the richer your parents the better you do at school. This is not just a difference between the poor and the rest. Each step up the income distribution matters, and in fact the biggest gap, even within the state system, is between those from the most advantaged families and the rest. Of those born in 2000 and 2001, more than 70 per cent of pupils from the richest 10 per cent of households got five good National 5’s including English and maths, something achieved by just a quarter of the poorest tenth. Fewer than a fifth of the poorest pupils at state schools go on to university against half of the richest. Over 70 per cent of private school students go on to University (Farquharson, 2021).
I could bombard you with ever more statistics, but you get the idea. And these inequalities have long term consequences. As Sandra McNally and co-authors from the London School of Economics found:
Narrowly missing the C grade in GCSE (National 5 equivalent) English decreases the probability of enrolling in a higher-level English qualification by at least 9 percentage points – which is a prerequisite for university or getting a job with good wage prospects. There is also an effect on the probability of entering higher education. Narrowly missing a grade C increases the probability of dropping out of education at age seventeen by about 4 percentage points. It increases the probability of becoming ‘not in education, training or employment’ by about two percentage points. Those entering employment at this age (and without a grade C in English) are unlikely to be in jobs with good progression possibilities. If they are ‘not in education, employment or training’, this puts them at a high risk of wage scarring effects and crime participation resulting from youth unemployment in the longer term (Aitkenhead 2014)
To be clear, this isn’t the difference between getting a C and a D. This is a comparison between those who just squeak a C by a single mark and those who just miss by a single mark. They will be very similar in their capabilities; however the outcomes are stark.
Our education system is like this. Instead of providing opportunities and ladders up, our system too often slams doors shut. It’s an incredibly binary system and one that benefits wealthy families the most.
Yet this is not a uniquely British problem. Around the world, the same patterns appear. One country, however, provides an interesting example of how to narrow the gap. In South Korea, affordable private tutoring centers known as Hagwons have become a way for families of modest means to give their children the kind of individual attention usually reserved for the better-off.
Hagwons
Hagwons have played a significant role in the South Korean education system for decades. Their influence and prevalence have grown in response to the highly competitive nature of the country’s academic environment. Hagwons first emerged in South Korea during the 1960s and 1970s, primarily as supplementary educational institutions aimed at helping students improve their academic performance and prepare for entrance exams. Initially, these private tutoring centers were modest in scale and focused on a few core subjects, such as mathematics and Korean language (Taylor, 2024).
Over the years, the demand for private education grew rapidly, fueled by the increasing pressure on students to excel academically and secure admission to prestigious universities. The 1980s and 1990s saw a significant expansion of Hagwons, both in terms of the number of centers and the range of subjects offered. By this time, Hagwons were no longer limited to academic subjects but also included arts, music, sports, and language training, reflecting the diverse interests and needs of students. The proliferation of Hagwons was driven by several factors, including the rising aspirations of lower middle-income families, the perceived shortcomings of public education, and the societal emphasis on educational achievement as a pathway to socio-economic mobility (Taylor, 2024).
Today, Hagwons are an integral part of the South Korean education system, with a substantial portion of students attending these centres after regular school hours.
Hagwons have long been credited with narrowing South Korea’s socio-economic gap in education. Their rapid growth, and the intense competition between them, has driven down the cost of tuition to a level far more accessible than in the past. As a result, families with lower incomes and fewer resources are increasingly able to afford the fees. The majority of Hagwon students now come from lower-middle-income households, those in roughly the 20th to 50th income percentiles. In this group, as many as 70 per cent of children attend a centre (Kim, 2019). Parents typically pay about £160 a month for an additional seven hours of private tutoring each week (Kim, 2019). For families who see education as the key to future success and upward mobility, this is a significant but worthwhile investment. It opens the door to personalised teaching that can lift academic performance and, in turn, improve exam results and career prospects.
While £160 a month may still seem steep, South Korean culture regards education as a key determinant of future success and social mobility, and many parents see it as a worthwhile investment in their children’s future. It is also a fraction of the cost of private schooling in South Korea, where annual fees now average more than £20,000, which is roughly the same as in Scotland (Pepper Money, 2024). Hagwons therefore offer a middle ground between the state sector and independent schools. It is an affordable route for lower-middle-income families to ensure their children receive high-quality support. In effect, they help counter some of the educational inequalities discussed earlier.
The academic impact of Hagwon attendance is well-documented. Studies show that students who take part in these programmes often outperform their peers who rely solely on regular school lessons. Analysis of high-school pupils preparing for the College Scholastic Ability Test (CSAT) — the all-important university entrance exam — consistently finds higher average scores among Hagwon attendees than among non-attendees (Jung, 2018).
In short, South Korea’s Hagwon boom offers a compelling case study in closing the gap between disadvantaged and affluent pupils. Providing affordable, high-quality tuition to lower-income households, combined with the cultural norm that children attend these centres, gives less-advantaged students access to the one-to-one support that can transform academic outcomes and career opportunities. If a similar model took root across the UK, it could provide that same “missing middle” between the state and private sectors, offering a pragmatic way for lower-middle-income families to secure the best possible start for their children.
Of course, no such approach should replace the need to demand more from our state schools. But, as South Korea has shown, affordable tuition centres can be a powerful tool in reducing the role of income in determining educational success.
Bibliography
Aitkenhead, D., 2014. Steve McQueen: my hidden shame. The Guardian, 4 January.
Farquharson, C., Sibieta, L., Tahir, I., and Waltmann, B., 2021. Annual report on education spending in England. [online] Institute for Fiscal Studies, 20 November. Available at: https://ifs.org.uk [Accessed 14 August 2025].
Johnson, P., 2023. Follow the money: how much does Britain cost? London: Abacus.
Jung, H. and Seo, E., 2018. Examining a causal effect of private tutoring in Korea: Does private tutoring damage students’ self-regulated learning? Asia Pacific Education Review, 19(4), pp.587–599.
Kim, J., 2019. Private education cost reaches record high. The Korea Times, 12 March. Available at: https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/nation/2019/03/181_265235.html [Accessed 14 August 2025].
Pepper Money, 2024. Money woes as parents could face a yearly increase of up to £8,600 in private school fees, research reveals. [online] Pepper Money Blog, 29 August. Available at: https://www.pepper.money/blog/parents-could-face-a-yearly-increase-of-up-to-8600-in-private-school-fees/ [Accessed 14 August 2025].
Taylor, A., 2024. The impact of Hagwon (private tutoring centers) on high school students’ academic performance in South Korea. Journal of Advanced Research in Education, 3(4), pp.[page range]. Available at: https://www.pioneerpublisher.com/jare [Accessed 14 August 2025].